Health Issues In Gender, Age and Ethnicity Essay

Health Issues In Gender, Age and Ethnicity - Essay Example makes the individuals have an inaccurate discernment of their appearance and have an intense feeling and need to lose weight even when they are thin, posing an harm to their health status. Anorexia is a common disorder among women in United Kingdom. According to the Royal College of Psychiatrists (2015), 95% of people suffering from anorexia in United Kingdom are women. Though the actual numbers of people suffering from anorexia is not known since most cases go undiagnosed, it is estimated that 5% of women aged between 15 and 30 in United Kingdom suffer from anorexia. The Royal College of Psychiatrists (2015) also suggests that women between the age of 15 and 30 have a high probability than men of suffering from anorexia. This makes women ten times more likely to suffer from anorexia. It is estimated that 10% of women in United Kingdom suffering from anorexia succumb to it every year. Anorexia is a common disorder among the age bracket of 15 to 30 years and may become severe leading to

Nutritional Sciences Research Method class(the effects of physical Proposal

Nutritional Sciences Method class(the effects of physical activity and calcium intake on bone mineral density (BMD) in Saudi women based on DXA measurements) - Research Proposal Example 200, 30-50 years old Saudi women will be recruited within Jeddah or Riyadh and screened to exclude lactating, pregnant mothers and mothers with kidney, skeletal, menstrual dysfunction and any related disorders. Validated food frequency questionnaire specific to calcium will be used to assess consumption of dairy products at baseline and at 9 months. Subjects will record their exercise activities, both weight bearing and none weight bearing that they would have engaged in on a regular basis for at least 2 months. BMD will be assessed by Dual energy x-ray absorptiometry (DXA). Data will be analysed by Statistical Package for Social Sciences version 6 (SPSS, v.6). A 3-way ANOVA, group-time-calcium intake will be used to determine possible effects of interaction in BMD between training mode and dietary calcium from baseline to 9months while statistical significance will be set at p Low Bone Mass Density is a skeletal disorder that is characterized by reduced strength of an individual bone’s density thus results into reduced strength predisposing an individual to an increased risk of fracture. Reduced bone mass density can be less severe and extreme severe depending on the stage of the disorder and can be classified as osteopaenia which is less severe or osteoporosis which is more severe. Osteoporosis and osteopaenia which are characterized by reduced BMD are an indication of decrease, structural deterioration as well as loss of connectivity within the bone tissue resulting into increased

Community Illness Solution Essay Example for Free

Community Illness Solution Essay There has been an odd rise in similar and extensive illnesses in not only adults but children as well. This is becoming quite a concern for many of the residents in this community because that just means a rise in their chances of catching the illness to. If our community does not resolve the problem as soon as possible it will continue to spread and possibly affect the entire community. Upon further investigation into the reasoning or cause of this problem, I have found a legitimate reason why this is happening. I have discovered that the cause may be from the gas company’s malpractices either before the community came together or sometime afterwards. I found my reasoning by keeping an open mind and investigated any and every possibility there could be. The gas companies practices are the only issue I have found that could cause a problem such as the one in our community. As well, once I found that reasoning I looked also into the illnesses and what could have possibly caused them, and again I found that the problem with the gas company is the root cause for the illnesses. I have begun to spread the word about my discovery to make everyone in the community aware of the issue that has led to our problem. I believe that with the strength of our entire community we can unite and fight for our justice against the gas company who has caused our community such a great problem. My first idea in the fight for our justice is to go straight to the gas company and explain our findings and demand them to do something about the issue to help fix the problem. If our community cannot seem to meet an agreement with the gas company, I say we take it to a higher level. We need to possibly approach the mayor of our town or even the court system if we must. We need to keep our viewpoints open and not stick to what we think is going to resolve the problem because one idea may not instantly resolve our problem. We not only need to resolve the issue with the gas company, but need to find ways to help the families that have been plagued with the illness. I believe our community can set up a fundraiser of some sort to help raise money for the hospital bills and such that are a result of the illness. If our community does nothing about this problem we are never going to grow or thrive because no one beyond current residents will move here knowing of this plaguing illness. That would be horrible for our economy in this community, and we cannot just accept this problem. I believe we need to just go head to head with the problem and resolve it as a community. If we do not do anything our community is going to look weak and we will look like we gave up or that we are just a bunch of quitters. I won’t allow that to happen.

History Essays French Revolution Violence

History Essays French Revolution Violence French Revolution Violence When historians and others engage in discussion of the French Revolution, they often begin with discussions about why the French people became unhappy and turned towards popular violence as an effective means of dismantling the Ancient Regime. Popular violence became an enduring form of achieving the population’s goals, just as it helped to bringing about a violent abolition to France’s monarchy on August 10, 1792. The French Revolution’s aims however, were not solely focused on replacing the King of France, Louis XVI with an alternative government, but also to completely recreate French Society. The events that occurred following August 4, 1789, were matters focused on religion and politics, and set in motion the Revolution detaching itself from the liberal ideas originally intended for a constitutional monarch, and instead heading down the path of violence and bloodshed. At the heart of the problem, is that the revolution collapsed from within, because of a document presented to a stunned population. This document, the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, created the French Catholic Church as a branch of the new revolutionary government. Previously, the Church and State government had acted in synchronicity. People throughout France were unhappy with this fundamental change to their Church, and millions began to desert the ideas of the revolution for the sake of their religion. Ultimately, this would lead to an escalation of violence that would cause the French Revolution to become progressively bloodier. The Civil Constitution of the Clergy introduced a division between Church and State and the Revolution in such a way that it increased the level of violence and executions to harrowing levels. The Civil Constitution of the Clergy was proclaimed by the National Assembly on July 12, 1790 (Desan 5). The document was the product of the ecclesiastical body of the assembly (Desan 5). The impetus behind its creation was to create a document that would add a â€Å"rationalized structure† to the Church that would cause the Church to operate separate from the government, and to eliminate its financial discretion over the people of France (Desan 5). The document reflects the thinking of the assembly’s ecclesiastical body by reason of what it attempted to accomplish, but it reflects the inexperience of the group in matters of politics. The document essentially turned the bishops and priests of France into state employees because it created their responsibility to the state where none had previously existed (Desan 5). This might have met the satisfaction of the low echelon church priests, but it would not have been to the satisfaction of the bishops. Most of the bishops in France were from families who had previously been members of the Second Estate. The document would have essentially not just the authority that they exerted over the populations residing within their parishes, but it would greatly impair their relationship with the Papacy and, in some cases, mitigate the ambitions of the bishops. As state employees, the bishops would have been reported to the government on their communications with Rome. It would have been necessary to discuss applicable Church doctrine with the state official or department that was put in charge of the state employees. More importantly, however, is that the Civil Constitution of the Clergy was a blow to the Church’s finances. It eliminated certain sources of revenues, such as the fees charged by the Church to perform certain services in the community (Desan 5). Suzanne Desan (1990) states that while the bishops and clerics were probably willing to work with the revolutionaries to make the Constitution work for them, the vast majority of the clergy were fundamentally against it (Dessan 5). To some extent, Desan says, the bishops and clerics agreed with the reform represented by the Constitution (Desan 5). However, they still could not take affirmative action in that direction without guidance from Rome (Desan 5). While everyone waited for Rome to respond, the assembly grew impatient and acted without Rome’s authority or guidance and imposed the Constitution on the Catholic bishops and clergy (Desan 5). Whether or not the assembly predicted that Rome would withhold its approval is unclear. However, the events as they unfolded might suggest that Rome recognized that the potential for division amongst the revolutionary forces if the Pope withheld comment and let the events unfold as they would. The assembly also attempted to force the bishops and clergy to take an oath to the document, the King (who sanctioned the document), and to France. It is here that it might appear, as Desan suggests as well, that the French Revolution began to go wrong (Desan 6). â€Å"The incidence of oath taking was highest in the center, the Ile-de-France, and the southeast. In those regions later known for a high level of religious practicethe northwest, northeast/east, and the Massif Centralwell over half the clergy refused the oath. 8 Historians have frequently seen the requirement of the oath as one of the critical errors of the Revolution, for it provoked unending controversies among the clergy and laity alike and persuaded many villagers to oppose the Revolution (Desan 6).† There were conflicts within the assembly on the document as well. F. A. Aulard says that Robespierre and the ecclesiastics differed because Robespierre held that religion was an individual choice. He envisioned the government of France as one that was non-religious and focused on matters of state. The idea that the people of France would pursue their religious choices and obligations independent of their state responsibilities was truly revolutionary (Aulard 45). This was very much a Girondist sentiment, and quite different than that held by Couthon. It was Couthon who wanted to see a religious state where the â€Å"Supreme Being,† was at that center of State and Church policy. With that, The Civil Constitution of the Clergy was intended to deal with what the revolutionaries perceived to be a dangerous situation with which they were faced (Thompson 1952 22). The Catholic Church was not just the wealthiest institution in France, it was also the most powerful (22) The revolutionaries were faced with a need to take that power away from the church, but in a way in which the National Assembly would be able to absorb and make use of the power themselves (22). The holdings owned by the Church were rich and extensive in land, buildings and endowments (22). The wealth held by the Church was badly needed by the revolutionaries in order to continue moving towards their democracy. That too remained precarious, because in the first year of the revolution there was what anyone should have anticipated as chaos as people sought to bring to a violent end France’s monarch and wealthy (22). In the second year, the year in which the Constitution of the Clergy was created, there was a need to create infrastructure within the revolutionary government; as well as the desire by the vying parties to gain leadership roles in the new government (22). To allow the Catholic Church to continue to hold greater wealth and power than the revolutionaries was contrary to their movement, and it could not be allowed to happen (22). This is the way in which the National Assembly was divided in religious ideology. The Jacobins were philosophical in nature, and, as reflected in Robespierre’s ideas, saw the state independent of religious influence. Robespierre especially wanted France independent of Catholic Church influence because it stood in stark opposition to the ideological state he envisioned. Regardless of Robespierre’s aspirations for France, â€Å"The republic, once it was Montagnard, became a religion; it had its martyrs and its saints (Aulard 125).† It is at this point where the assembly began to divide, with the Jacobin and the other ideologies separate sides. This division arose out of the Constitution of the Clergy because it revised the Church in policy, and it revised the relationship the Church had with the state and with the French people. Considering that these factions existed within the assembly prior to the Constitution being imposed upon the State, it might be concluded that some of the assembly members saw potential conflict as predictable because of the relationship that the provinces had with the Church. The conflict would present for the assembly members the opportunity they needed to wrest control of France away from the Jacobins. Since Robespierre was in large part behind the Constitution of the Clergy, it was predictable, too, that the response of the people to the altered relationship between themselves and the Church would be a mitigating factor in Robespierre’s popularity. Robespierre had been raised a Catholic, but his goal was, Thompson says, to unite the country in faith if not religion â€Å"freed from Catholic dogma and clerical fanaticism (Thompson 24).† Robespierre was at heart a classical Republican, dedicated to equality, a constitutionally guaranteed order of freedoms and a document that served as a direction for the government. In dire need of cash, and on behalf of the state, Robespierre began to auction off confiscated church properties â€Å"bit by bit (Thompson 25).† The state also devised a scheme that was innovative for its time, allowing people to buy in co-owners of national properties (Thompson 25). The government program created a new class of landowner, and, more importantly, that their newfound status and land came out of the revolution meant that those people felt a loyalty to the government, and to Robespierre. It meant, too, that they would fight to prevent the nobility and royalty from returning to their previous status in France, because it would mean they would lose their newfound positions and property (Thompson 25). The Civil Constitution of the Clergy served as the basis for allegations that it was atheist in nature, and that was a document intended to further the cause and position of France’s Jewish population (Van Kley 1994 121). These two elements served as the prongs with which to separate the revolutionists, and to fuel the Church’s own quest to regain some of the power it lost to the government by the Constitution of the Clergy. By late 1791 the Constitution of the Clergy began showing the cracks of its weakness. Many people believed that the traditional Church had a place in the new government of France (Van Kley 416). As unrest spread, more attention was being focused on the Civil Constitution as undermining the people of France. That rhetoric, encouraged by Robespierre’s enemies, permeated the minds of the people who associated with the document with an anti-faith notion and with officially empowering Jews in a way that had never been done before in France. Because of this, the people of France grew restless, became agitated, and began to turn again to popular violence as a means of achieving their goals (Van Kley 417). France’s population in the provinces was feeling especially agitated and defiant. â€Å"Religious rioters mixed the sacred and the violent in powerful ways (Desan 1990 165).† After this point, the Civil Constitution of the Clergy began to fall apart with what it meant to accomplish. Disgruntled Catholics who were convinced that the revolutionary government was moving towards atheism grew angry, and mob mentality permeated the countryside. Robespierre’s government based on philosophy, which left room for the monarchy had role as did the Church began crumbling under the weight of the very document intended to help ensure a government representing greater freedoms for everyone in France. Rather than swear an oath under the Civil Constitution, a majority of bishops in France had taken flight or gone into hiding. This break in relationship with the people with whom they had built constituencies left a void in the lives of those French people who had close ties to their Church and religious leaders. Albert Soboul (1988) says that enlightened reformism does not maintain the same shape in the sovereign setting (Soboul 2). That remains true even today (Soboul 2). Suggesting that Robespierre’s ambitions for France never took the form necessary to withstand the trials and tribulations of church and state. The research of John Markoff (1996) involved creating tables for violence that Markoff directly relates to the Constituion of the Clergy (231). Violence against clerics in religious events was 58%. Violence against â€Å"old regime roles† of priest, bishop, canon, and monks was at 7% in connection with religious events, and 18% against baillages in connection with religious events (Markoff 231). Violent acts committed against nonjurors in connection with religious events was 14% (Markoff 231). Violent acts against nonjurors bailliages in connection with religious events was 34% (Markoff 231). Violence resulting in the damage to constitutionals during religious events was 26%, and those events against the constitutionals associated with bailliages was 20% (Markoff 231). The percentage to monasteries from violence or even total destruction of the monastery was 18%, and the events of violence damaging or destroying monasteries in connection with billiages was 36% (Markoff 231). Across Markoff’s chart, the events of violence and the destruction associated with the violence was greater than those incidences of violence associated with non-religious events. Markoff found that the attacks by the people related to anti-tax events were 25%, while the attacks on anti-tax ballialages was 40% (Markoff 234). Attacks on person or property of tax collectors was 30% s compared to 41% on tax bailliages (Markoff 234). Violent attacks on â€Å"all indirect taxes,† were highest of the overall anti-tax related violence (although Markoff does not define those any clearer) at 61% for anti-tax evens and 66% for anti-tax billiages events of violence (Markoff 234). The figures are consistent, and the incidence of violence that Markoff has identified as arising out of those events directly related to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy are more numerous than the events he identified as related to anti-tax incidences of violence. Markoff says that the sources he relied upon for his information in compiling the figures are reliable and thorough in recounting the events he has charted (Markoff 235). His conclusion is that the violence of the revolution was a greater reflection of the change in the relationship between the church-state-population than it was about taxes. It would suggest, too, that the pre-Civil Constitution of the Clergy relationship of between the church-state and people was such that it might even have served as a circumvention of public reaction to other matters, such as taxes. Markoff also cites documentation from Philippe Goujard which demonstrates that the rural petitioners expressed sentiments indicating that they respected the taxes but did not support the revolutionary government’s enforcement of seigneurial rights (Markoff 235). This would explain the higher percentage of attacks on local jails, police, military camps, or other type office during the post Civil Constitution of the Clergy period. Markoff cites Eugen Weber, who held that it was late in the nineteenth century that French peasantry began to look beyond their own parish and be interested in the politics and events going on elsewhere (Markoff 241). Markoff says that his work has demonstrated that it was much earlier than Weber had originally believed, and that it was really the degree to which the peasantry expressed an interest that Weber was detecting (Markoff 241). Whereas, Markoff says, his events tables show that the peasantry was responding earlier (Markoff 241). As Desan points out, there was a difference in perspective held by those people in the cities and the rural peasants (Desan 123-124). For Catholics during the Directory, liberty meant the freedom of religious expression (Desan 123-124). It is clear that the goals of the rural countryside were not as philosophical as those of the Parisians. That it was widely miscalculated as to what the rural populations were most passionate about, and that the religious relationship the rural people had with their local parishes went a long to satisfying their total philosophical curiosity. The response of the rural peasantry was one that became increasingly violent, and directed towards individuals that Markoff describes as â€Å"frequent mismatch of clerical and communal political leanings, violence against clerics rose sharply (Markoff 506).† The likelihood, Markoff says, of personal in religious clashes is, as demonstrated by the statistics cited above, much higher than any other issue arising out of the revolution (Markoff 506). There were surely to be people who anticipated some of the reactions that led to more and more violent responses on the part of the rural peasantry, and who hoped to exploit that violence to their own benefit. However, it would be a fair conclusion to say that based on the evidence presented by Markoff in his statistical tables of violence and events, that post Civil Constitution of the Clergy, as a result of that document, by way of the changes that it ushered in, the counterrevolution was indeed much more violent than it might have otherwise been had not those changes in the relationship between the people of France and their parishes taken place. Works Cited Aulard, A. The French Revolution: A Political History 1789-1804. Trans. Bernard Miall. Vol. 2. London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1910. Aston, Nigel, ed. Religious Change in Europe, 1650-1914: Essays for John McManners. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997. Desan, Suzanne. Reclaiming the Sacred: Lay Religion and Popular Politics in Revolutionary France. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990. Markoff, John. The Abolition of Feudalism: Peasants, Lords, and Legislators in the French Revolution. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996. Soboul, Albert. Understanding the French Revolution. New York: International Publishers, 1988. Thompson, J. M. Robespierre and the French Revolution. London: English Universities Press, 1952. Van Kley, Dale, ed. The French Idea of Freedom: The Old Regime and the Declaration of Rights of 1789. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994.

Comparing Oedipus and Hamlet :: comparison compare contrast essays

Free Essays - Oedipus vs. Hamlet as Tragic Protagonists Oedipus fits Aristotle's definition of the tragic flaw and protagonist almost flawlessly. Aristotle described the protagonist as "someone regarded as extraordinary rather than typical..."(1117). Oedipus freed Thebes from the Sphinx by solving her riddle-- something nobody else had been able to do. The priest in the first scene of Act I calls Oedipus "...our greatest power" (1121) and describes him as rated first among men. Hamlet is of noble birth but there is nothing else extraordinary about him. Unlike Oedipus, he had not saved a kingdom; he just happened to be born a prince. In tragedies the protagonists are usually of the nobility to make their falls seem greater. However, Aristotle said "What is finally important is not so much the protagonist's social stature as a greatness of character..." (1117). Protagonists, as described in our book, must also have a "determination to meet some goal or task to make them admirable"(1118). Oedipus set about to find the killer of King Laius to free Thebes from plagues. Hamlet's goal was to avenge the murder of his father. Oedipus immediately began to look for the killer, even when the evidence pointed to himself and ruined his life. Hamlet seems to put off killing Claudius. He chose not to murder him as he prays is Act III scene iii. In Act III scene i Hamlet says: " I'll observe his looks: I'll tent him to the quick: if 'a do blench, I know my course. The spirit I have seen may be a devil:"(1315) Even after the ghost tells Hamlet how he was murdered, Hamlet has the players act it out just to be sure. Obviously, there is no hard resolution for him to finish his task. Arthur Miller has said "tragic feeling is evoked in us when we are in the presence of a character who is ready to lay down his life.

Creon Antigone by Sophocles Essay

In Antigone, written by Sophocles, Creon dominates the play with his powerful yet arrogant personality. Even though Antigone is the name of this play, Creon, the ruling king of Thebes with a no turning back attitude, proves to be the main character. Creon rules over everyone but that does not stop the intelligent Antigone from protecting her brothers dead body. She gets caught in this illegal act by the very dynamic character of Creon. There are endless personality traits to describe Creon, but certain traits that pop out are his strength/power and his stubbornness. Who is the man here, she or I if this crime goes unpunished?(Scene 2, lines 82,83). This quote is a simple example of how stubborn a king with that much pride can act toward his own family. We then learn that no matter how wrong he is in his decisions, he still sticks with what he believes to be the right punishment to Antigone. The other proving quote in Scene 3 (line 26) is when Creon states, Do you want me to show myself before the people? Or to break my sworn word? No, and I will not. Creon slowly starts to realize the right thing to do in his situation but something inside of him prevents him from saving Antigone. It could quite possibly be him knowing his own strength and power compared to everyone else. His strength plays a key role in the problems that occurred. Antigone sees right through this personality trait of his. Creon is not strong enough to stand in my way.(Prologue, line 35) Also,in Scene 1 line 118 Creon says,Theres nothing in this world that is more demoralizing than money. Creon really means it when he says this. He thinks that everything in the world has a price. His strength can be translated as a waste cause he doesnt use his powers for the better of the city of Thebes. His power completely forces him to believe that no one is above him. That is where the conflict began for Antigone and Polyneices. There was not much motivation for his actions besides his pride, which is apparently the cause of all their troubles. If Creon would have realized early on that the right thing to do is more important then power and pride, Antigone would not have of been dead. In Scene 2, (line 75,76) Choragus is right on when he says, Like father, like daughter both headstrong, deaf to  reason. Creon believes that his word over all should be the final say. But when Antigone, a female at that, defies him, he flips out and sentences her to rot in a prison cell. In his mind, he was rational with the choices he made. When it comes down to it, Creon was just trying to represent the position of the king. Unfortunately, his greed overcame his responsibility of the throne. His power against everyone else in Thebes proved to be significant when he sentenced Antigone. After the events that happened, he was still so stubborn to turn back. At the very end of this play, Creon finally realized his wrong doings and he said, I was the fool, not you. And you died for me.(Scene 5, line 92) Both his stubbornness and his power broke down and we saw the real Creon. Characters like this in Greek literature are important because the form the plot, the conflict, and the resolution. Without the Creons in plays, there would not be any tragedy or any thing to resolve at the end.

Metamorphosis” and “A Rose for Emily Essay

The tone, setting, and characters of Franz Kafka’s â€Å"The metamorphosis† can be seen as similar to those aspects in William Faulkner’s â€Å"A Rose for Emily. † In both of these stories, there are two different people who are living their lives very much alike, and they both die all alone. The tone of â€Å"Metamorphosis† is similar to the tone of â€Å"A Rose for Emily. †Gregor and Miss Emily are both isolated and alienated. The narrator says that Gregor has an â€Å"exhausting profession† as a traveling salesman. Gregor rides on a train all of the time for his work. He meets new people, but he has no affection for them. Gregor does not spend a lot of time with his family. The narrator is showing that Gregor is isolated and feels alienated from his family because he is working all the time to support his family. The narrator shows this by the other salesmen that Gregor sees at the â€Å"pension† having breakfast. Gregor states that he would â€Å"like to see what would happen if he were to try that out with his director sometime. † The narrator is implying that Gregor wants to be like the other salesman but he cannot because his boss would not allow it. Gregor always keeps his door locked whether he is traveling or at home. The narrator states, that Gregor uses â€Å"precaution† by â€Å"locking every door at night,† regardless if he is at â€Å"home or traveling. † The narrator says that Gregor’s father gave him a â€Å"truly liberating kick† back into his room and â€Å"Battered shut† the door with his cane. â€Å"Raindrops could be heard plunking against the tin window-ledges made Gregor quite melancholy. † The word â€Å"melancholy† denotes sadness or depression of sprits; gloom. Then when he wakes up as a cockroach, he is locked in his room. Gregor is isolated from his dad, mom, and sister Grete because they locked him in his bedroom at the end of the story. Miss Emily chooses to isolate herself from the townspeople by shutting her door and not let anyone in for long â€Å"periods of time. † She is alienated because her father was so strict about whom she could date, and this affected her as she got older. The narrator states, â€Å"We remember all the young men her father had driven away, and we knew that with nothing left, she would have to cling to that which had robbed her, as people will. † The narrator says, â€Å"And that was the last we saw of Miss Emily for some time. The Negro man went in and out with the market basket, but the front door remained closed. Now and then we would see her at a window for a moment, as the men did that night when they sprinkled the lime, but for almost six months she did not appear on the streets. † The narrator states that the townspeople expected this of Miss Emily by saying, â€Å"Then we knew that this was to be expected too; as if that quality of her father which had thwarted her woman’s life so many times had been too virulent and too furious to die. † The townspeople isolate Miss Emily because she dates Homer Barron, a Yankee who is a day laborer. The narrator says, â€Å"Poor Emily, she carried her head high enough-even when we believed that she was fallen. It was as if she demanded more than ever the recognition of her dignity as the last Grierson; as if it had wanted that touch of earthiness to reaffirm her imperviousness. † The narrator is saying that Miss Emily, being of a prominent family, has behavior that is abnormal for southern people, and that she is â€Å"reaffirm her imperviousness. † The denotation of â€Å"imperviousness† is not capable of being affected or disturbed. The narrator is saying that Miss Emily is not affected by what the townspeople think of her. In reality, she is affected by this because she isolates herself from the townspeople. The setting of â€Å"The Metamorphosis† is similar to the setting of â€Å"A Rose for Emily. † Kafka describes the setting in â€Å"The Metamorphosis† as most of the action takes place in Gregor’s bedroom. Gregor lives with his father, mother and sister in a large apartment in the city. From Gregor’s bedroom window he sees a busy street and a hospital across the street. But as the story goes on, his vision gets â€Å"fuzzier,† he might think that he lives in a â€Å"wasteland where the grey sky merges indistinguishably with the grey earth. † The narrator states that Gregor’s bedroom is dirty and dusty. No one goes in and cleans it anymore after the family locks Gregor in his room the last time. Then he dies there in his bedroom all alone. At the end of the story Gregor’s father, mother and sister take a carriage out to the country and the sun is shining brightly. In the story of â€Å"A Rose for Emily,† the narrator describes the setting taking place at Miss Emily’s â€Å"big, squarish framed house† that sets on a â€Å"select street† in Jefferson. The outside of the house is â€Å"decorated with cupolas, spires and scrolled balconies in the heavily lightsome style of the seventies. †There was opening to a cellar where the â€Å"Board of Aldermen;† there are four them, they sprinkle lime to take care of the â€Å"smell of the house† after Miss Emily’s father died. The house is old and run down; for this reason, the narrator calls it is an â€Å"eyesore, among eyesores. † Unlike Gregor, the townspeople gave Miss Emily a funeral, which takes place at her house. The narrator states that the â€Å"funeral on the second day, with the town coming to look at Miss Emily beneath a mass of bought flowers, with the crayon face of her father† a picture she had painted about the bier and â€Å"the ladies sibilant and macabre: and the very old men-some in their brushed Confederate uniforms-on the porch and the law, talking of Miss Emily as if she had been a contemporary of theirs, believing that they had danced with her and courted her perhaps confusing time with it mathematical progression, as the old do to who all the past is not a diminishing road, but instead a hug meadow which no winter ever quite touches, divide from them now by the narrow bottleneck of the most recent decade of years. † The narrator states that there is â€Å"one room upstairs which no one had seen in forty year,† and which would have to be forced open. They waited until Miss Emily was in the ground before opening the room upstairs. This room was like a â₠¬Å"tomb† just like Gregor’s bedroom that he died in. The narrator describes the room as it is filled with â€Å"pervading dust. A thin, acrid pall as of the tomb seemed to lie everywhere upon this room decked and furnished as for a bridal. † Then the narrator says that they found a â€Å"man himself lay in the bed† and â€Å"what was left of him, rotted beneath what, was left of the nightshirt. † Then they â€Å"notice on the second pillow was the indentation of a head† and â€Å"a long strand of iron-gray hair. † The character of Gregor in â€Å"The Metamorphosis† is similar to the character of Miss Emily in â€Å"A Rose for Emily† because they are both isolated, both don’t communicate, and both die alone. The narrator states at the beginning of the story, Gregor is busy working all the time as traveling salesman, to support the family. Because of his work he does not communicate with his family. He is also isolated because; he wakes up as cockroach, He doesn’t speak human language now so he can’t communicate with his family or work. The narrator explains if Gregor â€Å"had been able to speak to his sister and to thank her for everything she had to do for him, he would have found it a little easier to submit to her ministration; but, as it was, he suffered from them. † He is also, isolated because his family keeps driving him back into his room. The narrator illustrates this in the beginning of the story by â€Å"his father was moving forward implacably, emitting hissing sounds like a savage. Gregor had no practice in moving backwards, and he was moving, it had to be said, extremely slowly. If he had been able to turn round, he would have been back in his room in little or no time, but he was afraid lest the delay incurred in turning around would make his father impatient. And at any monument the stick in his father’s hand threatened to strike him a fatal blow to the back of the head. † Miss Emily is isolated likewise, she very seldom goes out of her house, and the townspeople rarely come to visit Miss Emily and she does talk to them at times. The narrator states, â€Å"From that time on her front door remained closed, save for a period of six or seven years, when she was about forty, during which she gave lessons in china painting. Gregor and Miss Emily both die alone. Gregor at the end of the story; comes out of his room for the last time, scares all the people there. Now he feels bad for what he did, and he returns back to his bedroom. He has not eaten for days now and he lays there on the floor and dies all alone. The narrator points this out by saying, â€Å"He remained in this condition of empty and peaceful reflection until the church clock struck three a. m. The last thing he saw was the sky gradually lightening outside his window. Then his head involuntarily dropped, and his final breath passed feebly from his nostrils. † Miss Emily dies alone in alike manner as Gregor did. The narrator indicates this in the beginning of the story and he says, â€Å"The women mostly out of curiosity to see the inside of her house, which no one save an old man-servant-a combined gardener and cook-had seen in at least ten years. † Therefore, in the story of â€Å"The Metamorphosis† Kafka demonstrates a sad story of how a man became a cockroach for no known reason. He demonstrations how badly his family treated him after he became a cockroach. Now his family alienated and isolated him by locking him into his room and leaving him to die all alone. Then, they took a trip out to see the county because they did not have the burden of Gregor anymore. This is like they were celebrating his death. How strange is that? In the story of â€Å"A Rose for Emily† Faulkner demonstrations a sad story of how a southern woman’s raising by a strict father causes her to be alienated for the rest of her life. He shows this by going back and forth in time with how the townspeople isolated and alienated Miss Emily at different stages of life. Then when she dies all alone, the townspeople are there because they want to look at the room, which had been locked up for about forty years. Faulkner leaves the townspeople with the thought that Miss Emily had been laying in the bed with a corpse and with her irony-gray hair left for them to see. How crazy is that to lay in the bed with a corpse?